Opposition leader's release in Myanmar raises questions about strength of sanctions
ASSOCIATED PRESS
BANGKOK, Thailand, May 11 Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's release from house arrest this week has raised anew the question of whether economic sanctions can pressure governments to change. The answer is crucial for Myanmar, where the military has ruled for 40 years.
Myanmar hotel blast kills one, injures three
Reuters YANGON, May 11 (Reuters) - A bomb blast at a hotel in the eastern Myanmar border town of Tachilek killed a woman and injured three other people, state-run newspapers said on Saturday. The Myanmar language Kyemon newspaper said government officials were investigating the explosion on Thursday in a third floor room of the Strand Hotel. The blast was the fourth bomb attack in eastern Myanmar near the Thai border in two weeks. Myanmar military officials have blamed elements of ethnic Karen National
Union (KNU) for being behind some of the recent attacks. The KNU is one of many armed ethnic groups based near the Thai-Myanmar border that have campaigned for autonomy from the government in Yangon in the past
several decades. Burma's ruling junta and Aung San Suu Kyi, the democracy leader released from house arrest here last week, have reached a secret agreement on power sharing, a
Burmese political analyst with connections to the regime told The Independent on Sunday yesterday. "The government is prepared to go along with recognition of the election
result of 1990," a landslide win by Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD)which the regime refused to endorse "but will retain veto power," he said. Speaking on condition of anonymity, he added: "I believe a lot of details have been agreed. They are now putting finishing touches to the agreement. The government also insists that they will not accept the dismemberment of the Union of Burma." Burma, or Myanmar as the regime calls it, has many ethnic minorities in addition to the Burmans of the lowland plains. As evidence of an agreement he pointed to the fact that, in contrast to her high-profile activities after she was released from house arrest in 1995, when large crowds gathered every day to hear her speak, this time Ms Suu Kyi has
merely shuttled quietly between her home and the NLD party office, with side
trips to an aunt, an abbot and a pagoda. "I don't think she would have agreed not to hold mass meetings without concessions on the part of the government," he said. Ms Suu Kyi herself has said nothing about any such agreement, but she spoke to the IoS of the disputed 1990 election in a way that suggests a new flexibility. Until now the NLD had always insisted that the regime must hand over power on the basis of that result. Last week she said: "We are not holding on to the 1990 elections in the sense of using it to gain power... what we are concerned about is the democratic principle, not so much the question of who holds power. Which means there is obviously room for negotiations as to how they
choose to honour the results of the 1990 election." If a form of words can be agreed by which the regime "honours" the result of the 1990 election without handing over power, the way will be open further down
the road for fresh elections. Ms Suu Kyi herself hinted at such a development.
It was put to her that as 12 years have passed, she cannot now claim to speak for the Burmese people. "It's fair to say that," she replied but added: "And who's to say we won't get a bigger majority this time?" Talk of an agreement is certainly news. Nearly a week after Suu Kyi's release, Western diplomats in the impoverished south-east Asian country remain unconvinced that the military regime is ready to make meaningful changes. "Is it a developing political situation?" one of them queried sharply. "Nothing concrete has been achieved. There are no easy answers here. The regime have dug themselves a very deep hole. Coming out of that hole is going to be difficult." Rangoon is a confusing place. With its lakes, dense woods and temples, it is perhaps the most beautiful capital in Asia. The mid-1990s boom gave it a smattering of modern hotels and a few business towers. And despite the bubble
bursting, the city today remains sleek and seductive. But beneath the beguiling surface lies a chaotic and deeply corrupt reality. Many hospitals cannot afford the drugs they need, teachers at some state schools demand fees from students because their salaries are not paid, the power supply is fitful, inflation is galloping, the economy is run for the convenience of the generals' businessmen cronies. Intrepid outsiders tempted to invest routinely lose their shirts. But pressure has been building on the generals to move in the direction of democratic change. The world has moved on since 1995, the last time major reform was in the air. Today all south-east Asian countries are firmly behind Razali Ishmail, the UN special envoy who brokered the deal that brought about Suu Kyi's
release. The veteran Malaysian diplomat and businessman is trusted by Suu Kyi and her colleagues; and his closeness to Mahathir Mohammed, Malaysia's Prime Minister, has given him particular clout with the regime. The Burmese generals
identify closely with Dr Mahathir because of his resolute independence from the West. "I think the process is irreversible," says one foreign insider. "The question now is the pace. Time is not on the government's side but nor is it on Suu Kyi's, nor on the side of the people. All need to go quite fast." One free in Burma, fifty million to go Maureen Aung-Thwin The release of Burmese democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest last week is indeed cause for celebration.
However, it is also a time to remember the over thousand or more political prisoners who remain incarcerated for such "serious crimes" as talking about democracy or distributing banned literature. The rest of the Burmese populace is in effect still a hostage of the military regime. There is no aspect of daily life that is not regulated or scrutinized by the government. For example, overnight guests - even one's own relatives, if they are not part of the official household - must register with the neighborhood prefect. The international community's opprobrium, along with the military regime's incompetence, played a huge part in getting the generals controlling one of the
world's most repressive regimes to the negotiating table. A week after Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi was released from 20 months of detention - basically for trying to buy a train ticket out of Rangoon - some companies and aid organizations are already calling to lift the various sanctions against aiding and trading with
the regime. Only the vigilance of the international community and the threat of continued opprobrium will keep the generals talking with Daw Suu towards a
genuine and irreversible political transition. Burma's military, founded by Daw Suu's father, General Aung San, was once beloved and revered for liberating Burma from both British and Japanese colonial rule. Today even without an external threat, the Burmese army is one of the largest armed forces in the region. It will undoubtedly continue to play a major role in the country's future, but it must so do in its historical role as protectors, rather than predators of the people. Non-Burmese who follow world events are usually entranced by the long
struggle for democracy in Burma because of the charisma and elegance of Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi. Few are aware of the hardship and daily indignities endured by the average Burmese, the quiet courage of those languishing in prison or the humor
and creativity of citizens who have learned to survive the system. Daw Suu is
the first to acknowledge this. She told a reporter in one of her first interviews after her release, "Many have suffered more than I have, much more. I don't have the right to complain." Largely unknown to the international community, Burma's most prominent political prisoner after Daw Suu is Min Ko Naing. This is the nom de guerre meaning "Conqueror of Kings", of Paw U Tun, the fiery student leader of the nationwide uprising in the summer of 1988. Throughout the 1980s, as a student at the Rangoon Arts and Sciences University, Min Ko Naing had somehow managed to build a nationwide political dissident network in the dangerous shadow of one of the world's most watchful police states. In 1988 his passion and oratory at
rallies brought out millions of Burmese into the streets. Min Ko Naing was
arrested early in 1989 and sentenced to 20 years in prison. Although his sentence was reduced to 10 years-now completed-he remains in jail in ill health.
Though suffering in solitary confinement for most of these years, Min Ko Naing is defiant. On the rare occasions he was able to send a message outside, he
simply said, "Don't give up." Poet and essayist U Tin Moe, who is in his 60s, fared better. In 1991, the year Daw Aung Suu Kyi received the Nobel Peace Prize, U Tin Moe, who headed a committee of Daw Suu's National League for Democracy (NLD), was arrested and later sentenced to four years in prison. In jail U Tin Moe was prohibited from possessing any reading or writing materials, so he was comforted by the discovery of one of his short poems scratched on the dirty walls by a previous prisoner, a poem for which he was famous: "The cigarette's burnt down, the sun
is brown, will someone please take me home now." U Tin Moe's colleague and contemporary, U Win Tin, who is still in jail, once
expounded publicly on the poem's relevance: He said: "There are large numbers of
important people who don't know that they should say 'Please take me home now.'
Today there are many, many political problems in our country, so many insurmountable difficulties, so many unspeakable matters - and why? Because if some leading people knew when their cigar was burnt down, when the sun was brown and knew when they should say 'Please take me home', then our country's politics would not have gotten into such a mess." U Tin Moe wrote another poem that greatly annoyed the authorities. It was about Dr Michael Aris, Daw Suu's British husband, the renowned Tibetologist who died of cancer in England soon after the junta refused a visa for him to go to Burma one last time to say goodbye to his wife. When the authorities started warning him against helping the NLD, U Tin Moe decided he was too old to survive
another possible incarceration and decided to leave the country and join his
daughter who lived in Belgium. Obtaining passports in Burma is not a civic right. What's more, passports
cost exorbitant brokerage fees and require cunning to get one, especially for
national treasures like poet laureates who are barred from leaving the country without permission. Fortunately for U Tin Moe, neither the passport broker nor the immigration officials had enough literary savvy to recognize the poet's real name - U Ba Gyan - which his passport carried. No one even knew he had fled. The escape was discovered when they heard him being interviewed on the Burmese Service of the BBC. The Min Ko Naings and U Tin Moes of Burma deserve to see their struggle through to the proper end. If the international community is genuinely interested in helping to end Burma's 40 year old nightmare, Burma policy among the major players should be coordinated, consistent and clear. Europe, the
United States and Japan at least should have a common position on Burma that
promotes a genuine transition to eventual civilian rule. For example, there
should be no major aid or investment in Burma until all political prisoners have
been released, freedom of expression and association is guaranteed. In other
words, until real and irreversible political and economic reform has taken place. Burma today is beset by a host of problems after forty years of military dictatorship: A ruined economy, a devastated education system, political uncertainty and a burgeoning hiv-aids epidemic. But the country is not Afghanistan or East Timor. It is blessed with a vast abundance of natural resources, and even after decades of neglect, possesses a bright, youthful population who are tired of civil war, hungry for knowledge, and eager to rejoin the world. Burma is in an enviable position to draw from the successes of other transitions and learn to avoid the pitfalls of others. Maureen Aung-Thwin is Director of the Burma Project and Southeast Asia
Initiative of the Open Society Institute.Burmese junta hints at power sharing deal with Suu Kyi
Exclusive » regime to accept democrats' 1990 election victory ? but will still have a veto
By Peter Popham in Rangoon
12 May 2002
Sunday May 12, 2002
After Aung San Suu Kyi's release, the world
must keep the pressure on if Burma's many other political prisoners are to
realise their struggle for freedom and democracy.
Myanmar's Suu Kyi wants first trip to be to Norway
Reuters
YANGON, May 12 —
Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who won the
Nobel peace prize in 1991, said again on Sunday that she wanted her first trip abroad since being released from house arrest last week to be to Norway, home of
the prize.
Suu Kyi said in a telephone
conversation with a Japanese politician, broadcast by the Voice of America, that she would like to show her gratitude for support given by Norway.
''We owe the Norwegian people and government a debt of gratitude for
relentlessly giving us complete support in our struggle for democracy,'' she said.
During her last house arrest in central Yangon which ended last Monday,
Suu Kyi was quoted as saying Norway would be the first country she would visit if she were able to travel abroad freely and able to return home to Myanmar.
The charismatic opposition leader did not say when she would make her
first foreign trip, but said last week that the ruling military government had not imposed any conditions on her movement. The Nobel award to Suu Kyi helped
put the spotlight on the military regime which has ruled the country for four
decades and violently suppressed opposition.
The Norwegian Nobel Institute last week hailed her release and urged the
Myanmar military to take more steps towards democracy.
''She is a unique woman, some say the most shining of recent Nobel
winners,'' Olav Njolstad, acting director of the Nobel Institute, told Reuters.
''She is brave. She has fought for democracy under extremely difficult conditions for herself and for her people.''
Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy Party won a landslide election victory in 1990 but the military did not allow them to rule.
In her broadcast conservation with Japan's Social Democratic Party chief
Takako Doi, Suu Kyi said while highly appreciative of Japan's past support for her campaign for democracy in Myanmar, she had hoped the Japanese government
would have done more.
She said Japanese government support for her cause did not match that of
ordinary Japanese people.
''We would like the Japanese government to give us as much support as the
Japanese people do,'' she said, adding that Japan would be high on the list of
countries she would like to visit.