The King Who Never Dies
Source : Aung Zaw, The Irrawaddy Magazine(April 17)
Ne Win, the mastermind behind Burma’s decline as a modern nation, has emerged from the shadows for the first time this century.
Awards to Ne Win
In 1949 received Maha Thiri Thudhama from the state
In 1955 received Yugoslav Banner (First Class) from Yugoslavian President Marshal Tito
In 1956 won the Legion of Merit from the American government
In 1960 received The Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant from the King of Thailand, Bhumibol Adulyadej
In 1960 refused Ramon Magsaysay award given by the Philippines
In 1960 received Agga Maha Thiri Thudhamma from the state
Is he STILL alive?" was the reaction of many Burmese in Rangoon when the news broke that former dictator Ne Win and family members were at the Hotel Sedona making merit for his 90th birthday. Ne Win attended the ceremony accompanied by his favorite daughter, Sandar Win, her husband Aye Zaw Win and some of his old friends.
Like almost everyone else in Burma, Ne Win believes in astrology and follows all his chief astrologer’s instructions. He practices yadaya rituals, which are believed to protect practitioners from danger or enable them to attain good fortune. He once asked his pilot to circle nine times over his place of his birth while he was seated in the plane on a wooden horse. Some people ascribe his long life to such practices.
Ninety-nine monks were invited to receive alms and donations at the ceremony. Not surprisingly, Ne Win’s favorite number is 9.
Ironically, his re-appearance coincided with a rumor that the dictator had finally died-a rumor that has circulated frequently before. In fact, he has not only managed to outlive many of his subordinates, but he also has the dubious distinction of being Asia’s oldest living dictator. He is a wanted man, a criminal who has never been brought to court, though he has lived in his secluded compound for years.
Many believe that he is still influential in Burmese politics, even though he officially retired from the Burmese Socialist Program Party (BSPP), which he founded, in 1988. "He can still shake up the policies but these days his role is personal rather than institutional," commented Tin Maung Than, a Burmese academic and writer now in exile. "No doubt he is a master player."
Yet the question remains as to whether the old man still pulls the strings. Singapore’s senior minister Lee Kwan Yew met him several times in Singapore and wrote in his book, "[I asked] Did he not worry when his old generals asked for his advice? No, he replied; when they did this, he told them never to talk about their work because he had retired from the troubles of this world. However, diplomats told me he commanded respect and authority within the military and could still wield influence."
Not surprisingly, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi tried to use her personal contacts to arrange a meeting with Ne Win after she was freed from house arrest in 1995, but such a meeting never took place.
Born in 1911, Ne Win’s first job was as a postal clerk in Rangoon. He was a member of the "Dobama Asi-ayone"—the "We Are Burman" Association. A key turning point in his life came when he was selected to join the "Thirty Comrades", an elite group trained by the Japanese during the Second World War to liberate Burma from the British. After independence, Ne Win served as Commander-in-Chief of the army. In 1962, he staged a coup which ended parliamentary rule. He introduced a one-party system, and set up the BSPP.
Ne Win finally stepped down in July 1988 amid nation-wide protests calling to end the 26-year-old regime. His "Burmese Way to Socialism" policies had driven the country into poverty.
Burma became one of the world’s poorest countries during the years of Ne Win’s iron-fisted rule, and to this day he and his cronies are the wealthiest men in the country. His life of luxury, which included annual trips to Western countries for medical check-ups, prompted demonstrators in 1988 to liken him to former Filipino dictator Ferdinand Marcos, who died in exile after fleeing the country amid charges of looting the national treasury. However, unlike Marcos, Ne Win did not flee. In other words, he did not give in to public opinion.
Tin Maung Than believes that Ne Win has a double nature. "U Ne Win was a xenophobic hard-liner but suddenly became a proponent of multi-party politics in 1988." It is true that during an emergency party congress in 1988, Ne Win, the chairman of BSPP, proposed a multi-party system. Despite this, the army loyal to Gen Ne Win brutally crushed the pro-democracy movement in late 1988 and staged a coup. Analysts believe that Ne Win was directly involved in the coup. Though the "Old Man" returned to his secluded compound, he has maintained power and influence over the current military leaders. One of his close aides now ruling the country is Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, Secretary One of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).
Over recent years, Ne Win has rarely appeared in public, fuelling speculation about his death and leading to gossip about his penchant for numerology, as well as some odd stories about his absolute obedience to his chief astrologer. Oddly enough, Ne Win’s surprise appearance in Jakarta in 1997 coincided with domestic political changes. Ne Win met then-president Suharto who had earlier visited Burma and paid a "purely private" visit to Ne Win. Next, Ne Win and Sandar Win were spotted while in Singapore for a medical check-up, where he met Lee.
A few months later, a major cabinet shake-up took place in Burma. Many senior ministers and generals were relieved of their positions, and the junta also changed its name. Analysts thought that Ne Win was responsible for advising his trustworthy lieutenants to make changes.
According to Burmese historian Dr. Aung Kin, who is based in London, Ne Win is an angry person with a destructive nature. He certainly showed it soon after gaining power in 1962. The historic Student Union building at Rangoon University campus was demolished and many protesting students were gunned down.
On a smaller scale, in the 1980s, Ne Win stormed into a boisterous party at Inya Lake Hotel, not far from his presidential place, and kicked the band’s drum set because the noise disturbed him. These are just a couple of stories told about Burma’s de facto king of modern times.
Ne Win retains his "father figure" image within the army. He takes good care of his friends and subordinates, among whom is former general Aung Gyi—Ne Win’s most ambivalent apostle. Aung Gyi, who served under Ne Win, has written many open letters to the retired dictator asking him to intervene in political and economic changes in the country. A series of such letters, written during the early days of the 1988 uprising, served as important catalysts of the pro-democracy movement.
Yet what of public opinion? He is disliked by most people but they still talk about him because of his infamy. People also believe that he has phone. Phone in Burmese means power.
Tin Maung Than said, "People who know him still hope that he will do something good for the country." So, has the dictator done any good deeds? Sadly, the answer is very rarely. The legacy he has left to the post-Ne Win era is catastrophic: civil war, ethnic conflicts, poverty, and a clique of military generals who faithfully keep in line with their boss’s principal aim—to safeguard the military dictatorship.
After Ne Win’s visit to Singapore in 1997, Lee Kwan Yew wrote: "He [Ne Win] talked about his peace and serenity of mind through his practice of meditation. For two years after he withdrew from the government in 1988, he had been in torment, fretting and worrying about what was going on in the country. Then in 1990 he began to get interested in and practice meditation. He was spending many hours each day in silent meditation. He certainly looked much better than the sickly person I had met in Rangoon in 1986."
That’s fine for Ne Win, but it is a shame he could not bring peace to the country that he once said he would save. His people continue to live in poverty and fear—and no end to the misery is in sight.